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1994-05-02
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<text>
<title>
Diplomacy's Orphans: New Issues in Human Rights
</title>
<article>
<hdr>
Foreign Service Journal, September 1991
Diplomacy's Orphans: New Issues in Human Rights
</hdr>
<body>
<p>By Thomas A. Shannon. Mr. Thomas Shannon is special assistant
to the ambassador at Embassy Brasilia.
</p>
<p> We are living through a period of quiet but profound change
in the international human rights agenda, which will pose new
diplomatic challenges to the United States. While the principal
human rights issue of the 1980s--political repression--will
remain our primary human rights concern through this decade,
several new issues have emerged that do not easily fit into our
traditional understanding of human rights. Nevertheless, The
United States must come to terms with these "new" issues, or
lose what influence it has over the human rights agenda.
</p>
<p>Children of poverty
</p>
<p> First on the list are the rights and welfare of children.
Vigilante killings of street children in several Latin American
countries have highlighted an explosive Third World social
problem that has been declared a human rights issue by such
groups as Amnesty International and Americas Watch. Rapid
urbanization and the breakdown of family structure under
grinding poverty have turned millions of children out onto the
streets of Latin America, Asia, and Africa. Deprived of normal
care, feeding, and education, many of these children take to
petty thievery, prostitution, and drugs. Lack of social services
and creaky judicial systems have provided few institutional
means to deal with this problem. Consequently, off-duty
policemen and businessmen in some cities have taken matters into
their own hands, forming extrajudicial groups that harass,
intimidate, and kill street children.
</p>
<p> The reemergence of death squads in some Latin American
cities, but this time without the political overtones of the
past decade, underscores the precarious existence of many of
the world's children, who neither have a voice in government
nor wield economic or political clout. The recognition that
many nations are failing their children prompted the 1990
UN-sponsored World Summit for Children, the largest-ever
gathering of heads of state. The World Convention on the Rights
of the Child, adopted unanimously by the UN General Assembly in
1990, set benchmarks by which nations' treatment of children can
be judged.
</p>
<p>Cultural survival
</p>
<p> Second is the right of indigenous people to retain their
cultures and ways of life. Historically, this issue has been
treated as an anthropological problem. It achieved human rights
status only recently, when Indian cultures were violently and
systematically repressed by central governments, as in the
cases of the Guatemalan Maya and Nicaraguan Miskito during the
1980s.
</p>
<p> This understanding is changing. Responsibility for
protecting primitive Indian groups has devolved upon
governments, as publics acknowledge that some groups face
cultural and physical extinction unless their contact with the
modern world is better controlled. Although some governments
are reluctant to accept this responsibility, international
human rights organizations are not reluctant to assert it.
Amnesty International's interest in the fate of Brazil's
Yanomami Indians--a tribe decimated by disease and the
depredations of their homeland by timber poachers, ranchers, and
miners--is evidence that the issue has entered the mainstream
of the human rights community.
</p>
<p> Environmental organizations, too, have expressed interest in
the fate of indigenous peoples, adding political urgency to the
issue. Environmentalists know that most indigenous groups
depend for their survival on their habitat; the economic
development of their traditional lands is a direct and immediate
threat to them. The melding of human rights and environmental
concerns is a new and politically powerful development which
will ensure that the plight of many indigenous peoples is well
publicized throughout Europe and North America.
</p>
<p>Struggle and flight
</p>
<p> The last item on the emerging human rights agenda is the
rights of refugees and other displaced persons. Again, the
problem is not a new one; what has changed is our understanding
of it. In the past, refugee rights have been viewed largely as
a humanitarian issue, acquiring a human dimension only when the
displaced persons were political exiles. However, the suffering
inflicted on refugee groups in the Middle East, Southeast Asia,
Central America, and Africa--either through political
manipulation, denial of relief supplies, or outright attack--has highlighted the central human rights aspect of this
problem. America's own strapped resources and public "compassion
fatigue" make uncertain the U.S. ability to continue to respond
to these man-made disasters. The result is a growing consensus
that the international community must hold to account
governments that provoke, countenance, and manipulate the mass
displacements of human beings.
</p>
<p> The emerging human rights agenda poses a tough diplomatic
challenge. The issues on the agenda reflect deep-rooted
economic, social, and political problems that admit of no quick
fixes. Unlike political violence, these issues also are not
amenable to the customary finger-pointing and condemnation.
This is not to diminish responsibility for human suffering, but
to recognize that in most cases, harsh rhetoric gives reluctant
governments an excuse to resist international pressure.
</p>
<p> Unless handled adroitly and in good faith, human rights
issues will drive a wedge between the developed and developing
worlds. Third World nations are already nervous about what they
perceive as the erosion of the traditional concept of state
sovereignty, which provided them some measure of protection from
outside interference. While international interest in human
rights protection is legitimate, it must keep governments
focused on human rights and not permit them to slide off the
point by claiming that national independence is at stake.
</p>
<p>Ways and means
</p>
<p> How to accomplish this? A modest beginning would include the
following: first, a reexamination of the structure of the State
Department's annual human rights report. The format needs to be
revised and expanded to include these new issues. Since much of
the human rights report's structure is legislatively mandated,
such a review would probably require consultation with the
Congress.
</p>
<p> Second, redouble U.S. efforts in multilateral human rights
fora. Such fora are a useful means to engage countries that
would otherwise resist bilateral approaches in human rights.
For such fora to be effective, however, they must focus on real
human rights issues. Efforts by some Third World nations to
introduce extraneous issues, such as national economic
development as a human right, or to include as fora members
known human rights abusers, such as Cuba, must be resisted.
Finally, we must look for creative ways to express our
willingness to help countries struggling to improve their human
rights records--for instance, Administration of Justice
programs that help train police and courts in juvenile justice.
Although such programs would have only a limited impact, they
would identify us diplomatically as part of the solution and not
part of the problem.
</p>
<p> While efforts to provide protection to politically
marginalized and vulnerable groups is a marked expansion of our
traditional human rights policy, it is in keeping with its
overall purpose. The history of the 1980s should be evidence
enough that human rights issues can be ignored only at our own
risk.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>